Although extensive work has been done on the influence in Britain of ‘Hitler’s émigrés’ in other fields, music has tended to be left to one side. That this central activity should have aroused so little interest or recognition is a mystery and demands further investigation, not least because the numerous teachers, composers, instrumentalists, singers, academics and publishers who came to the United Kingdom were to change musical life here beyond recognition. To give some of the most obvious examples: Glyndebourne Festival was run by Carl Ebert from Berlin under the musical direction of Fritz Busch from Dresden, with its daily management run by the Austrian Rudolf Bing; the three founding fathers of the Edinburgh Festival were Rudolf Bing, Peter Diamond and Hans Gál, making it a uniquely Austrian undertaking– hardly surprising, given the obvious similarities with Salzburg.
Boosey & Hawkes, Britain ’s principle music publisher, was taken over almost lock, stock and barrel by fleeing executives from Universal Edition in Vienna . Weinberger’s, Mahler’s first publisher, also decamped to London where it now controls the rights not only of virtually all of the best-known operettas but also of countless West End productions. The Schoenberg pupil Erwin Stein, while working at Boosey & Hawkes, became a confidant, support and musical midwife to Benjamin Britten. Meanwhile, Austrians and Germans set up concert agencies in London which still determine much of British musical life: Askonas Holt, for example, manages the conductor Sir Simon Rattle; he in turn studied Mahler with Berthold Goldschmidt. The subject of émigré musical contributions was brought home perhaps most succinctly several months ago in the obituaries of Gramophone magazine. In a single month, they featured three major personalities: Eric Smith, Paul Hamburger and Dennis Stevens. Smith was a noted recording producer, son of the conductor Schmidt-Isserstedt and his Jewish wife, who commissioned and produced many projects with London ensembles which were subsequently recorded for the labels Decca and Philips; the Viennese Paul Hamburger had been a noted accompanist but, more importantly, was the teacher of generations of British accompanists; the teacher and musicologist Dennis Stevens, on the face of it as English as possible, with a speciality in Monteverdi, was notorious for challenging the scholarship behind much of Britain’s early-music movement throughout the 1980s and ’90s. His teacher at Oxford was the Austrian Egon Wellesz, who in turn was one of the first specialists of early Italian opera. This page of obituaries was significant. It went beyond reminding us of the contributions of Otto Klemperer, the Amadeus Quartet and Louis Kentner: it showed that this generation which lived through so much and contributed hugely to British musical life was dying out.
With each death comes an estate. In the estates of these people, we have priceless records of musical life in Europe not only during the war, but also the post-War period. With the death of Berthold Goldschmidt, much of his library was carted off to a local second-hand bookstore. Others, such as the enormous pile of manuscripts and letters of Hans Gál, stay stored in back rooms of family homes. As young Austrian and German scholars start their investigations into the many important musicians forced to flee after 1933 and 1938, it becomes apparent that Britain has neither registered nor cared for the invaluable inheritance it has gained. Why this should be is another mystery, which grows clearer once certain historic circumstances are considered.
Cultural Ties between Britain and Nazi Germany
Both the UK and Nazi Germany were keen to maintain close cultural relations after Hitler’s seizure of power on 30 January 1933 . Hitler saw Great Britain as a passive ally in his plans to take over Europe . Britain on the other hand saw the rise of Hitler as a necessary consequence of the harsh peace demanded at Versailles after the First World War. In addition, the UK wished to maintain open trade relations and viewed National Socialism as the lesser evil in a world tipping towards Communism.
As a result, the Berlin Philharmonic toured Britain and the London Philharmonic toured Germany . Beecham seems to have been attracted by National Socialism and left England when war was declared, abandoning his orchestra, The London Philharmonic, for the duration. The dismissal of Jewish players in German orchestras or of Jews in German public positions was hardly commented upon in the British press. In fact, in these early days, Whitehall at first greeted fleeing Jews with open arms as they were still able to take huge amounts of private capital out of Germany . The German press towed this line and remained at best neutral and rarely found the removal of Jews from public life worthy of comment. The musical press praised both Furtwängler and the orchestra when on their British tours.
Not only did German orchestras tour; German opera singers were freely available – with Goebbels’ blessing – to perform at Covent Garden . The state visit by the Dresden Opera to London in 1936 hardly merited a political comment despite the fact that the Nuremberg Laws of 1935 had caused a veritable tabula rasa of working Jews remaining in Germany, a fact by now well known to the British press and public.
One of the major common currencies between the two countries was George Frederick Handel and the 250th-birthday celebrations in Halle in 1935 which involved many British guests, including Cambridge ’s Edward Dent who gave a lecture at the University of Halle .
British cultural journalists based in Berlin – such as Nancy Fleetwood of TheTimes or Michael Bell of TheObserver – were all too often inclined to take Goebbels’ press-office releases for translation and direct dissemination to the British public without further question or comment. Both would ultimately object to what they witnessed. But until such time they wrote regular stories with little adverse comment regarding Nazi racial policies. Bell wrote in 1938 that ‘Non-Aryans have been caught in the specious argument that as they are not themselves true to the fatherland (indeed, they cannot be expected to be since, as Jews, they are not Germans)’. Comments such as these left little hope for a positive assessment by Britain ’s official bodies.
Louise London writes extensively about British government policy in her invaluable book, Whitehall and the Jews . 1 In it, she outlines many of the geo-political attitudes and views current at the time. One of the most important policies taken was even partially formed with the help of British Jewish groups and refugee organisations. Its main function was to allow as many people in as possible without unleashing a wave of British anti-Semitism. Fundamentally, this generous-sounding policy was in effect extremely restrictive as the sheer numbers wishing to immigrate were overwhelming. Too many Jewish immigrants to the UK worried Jewish groups already living and working in Britain . These groups feared that the UK , too, would succumb to the poison of German propaganda. The British policy of appearing generous while remaining restrictive was carried out in two ways: the first was to make Britain a land of transit and not a final destination of immigrants; the second was to accord in many circumstances a higher status to non-Jewish immigrants and to avoid reference to immigrants as being ‘Jewish refugees’. Throughout the war, indeed, little official mention was made of the fact that the nearly 70,000 immigrants were largely Jewish. With the fall of Czechoslovakia , the UK even brought in a policy according Jewish refugees one of the lower statuses for entry, far below that of German Czechs with non-Nazi affiliations or other political opponents.
With Austria ’s annexation in March 1938, a wave of violent anti-Semitism broke out that shocked the world. The response of the British Home Office was to introduce visa requirements for all Germans and Austrians wishing to come to the UK . As Vienna had been downgraded to a local provincial capital in Greater Germany, it lost its British Embassy and retained only a consulate. This meant that interviews for entry visas were carried out in Vienna , a situation distressing to all since for every one approved, hundreds were rejected. The interview process required standing in a queue for days and being subjected to violence from Nazi gangs. At this late stage before the start of war, virtually only children, the elderly or people arriving as ‘domestics’ were allowed entry visas. This unleashed a near army of multi-lingual, highly qualified ‘domestics’ working as nannies, gardeners, chauffeurs and maids.
Britain was not alone with these polices. The United States and Switzerland formulated policies which were almost identical. Indeed, in 1938, it was the Swiss who requested that Germany place the ‘J’ in all passports belonging to Jews, so that it could more easily differentiate between different types of refugees. Given such barriers, it’s a wonder that anyone came at all and it certainly shows the desperation of those who found themselves trapped in Nazi Europe. Suicide was rife, affecting nearly every family, with country after country closing their doors to applicants. Added to this situation were Jewish refugee groups which had pledged to support arriving immigrants from Austria and Germany . By 1938, they too were overwhelmed. In addition, they were unable to extend support to the majority of those classified as ‘Jews’ who were trying to flee. These were non-practising, secular Jews, people of Jewish parentage or people who had converted to Christianity. Many people were being classified as Jewish who had never set foot in a synagogue and had been born to Christian parents whose grandparents had converted. A single Jewish parent (who may have even converted to Christianity) was enough to classify someone as Jewish and, in many cases, a single Jewish grandparent. The Nazis saw Jews as a race, not as a religion. Conversion or non-belief made no difference. Jewish groups, of course, saw Jews as people who adhered to the Jewish faith and had no resources for helping the many thousands who fell outside of this definition.
The Situation for Musicians
By 1938, the Home Office had formulated a policy stating that ‘minor graphic artists and […] musicians were a priori not suitable for entry’. The Incorporated Society of Musicians, a powerful lobby headed by the British composer Sir George Dyson, had managed to keep German (by now including Austrian) immigrants from any form of musical employment. This even extended to hunting down elderly musicians trying to give piano lessons to local children. Unemployment was rife amongst British musicians and the effects of the ‘talkies’, or motion pictures with sound, a decade earlier was still being felt by many former cinema orchestra players. With the outbreak of war, it was seen as even more inappropriate for British orchestral places left vacant by the ‘call-up’ being taken by (in their eyes) the very people they were fighting against. The only musician who travelled and performed with seeming immunity was the tenor Richard Tauber: he was such a star that there was no way he could be touched or controlled by Whitehall . Other less well-known performers, such as Arthur Schnabel and Emanuel Feuermann, soon recognised that they would be able to play more frequently in Britain if they were based elsewhere. These strict regulations did not apply, however, to refugees from countries which had fallen to Nazi aggression, such as Poland , France , Hungary , Czechoslovakia and Belgium . Many exile governments came to London and set up their own arts programmes which involved presenting their musicians to the British public.
For Germans and Austrians, there was the opportunity of performing only in the context of the various refugee organisations, such as the Freier Deutsche Kulturbund (FDKB) or the Austrian Centre. Both were initiated, run and supported by the Communist Party and led directly by various committees in Moscow . This in turn caused problems with the signing of the Hitler-Stalin Pact in 1939, which until 1941 forbade these various refugee organisations from engaging in anti-Nazi activity. The policies of both organisations were to remain outwardly non-partisan. Many refugee musicians, however, who felt their long-term association with the Communist Party might harm their future British prospects set up smaller alternative, British-funded organisations.
In 1940 Churchill ordered: ‘Collar the lot’ – meaning that all Germans, Austrians and Italians living in the United Kingdom were to be interned in camps. This led to the absurd position of real Nazi sympathisers, spies and even war criminals being interned in the same camps as Jewish refugees. Much has been written in recent times of the activities set up in these camps: the universities with lectures by leading physicists and musicologists; language courses and theatre groups or the coming-together of the Amadeus Quartet . As F erdinand Rauter wrote in a speech he gave shortly after his release, these were minority events, and most people suffered true hardship with often brutal and stupid guards. The same is explained in graphic detail in Hans Gál’s important memoir of his British internment, Musik hinter Stacheldraht (‘Music Behind Barbed Wire’). 2
By 1941, the policy of internment had been largely abandoned. The price that had to be paid was to agree to aid the war effort, something most Jewish refugees did without hesitation. Others were made to agree to deportation to Australia , New Zealand or Canada . The sinking by German submarine of one of the larger shiploads of refugees on route to Canada – with the loss of countless lives – showed how dangerous even this policy was.
The Debate on Immigrant Musicians
Whitehall tended to view the anti-Semitic actions of Germany as a continuation, indeed, a correction, of the redrawing of Europe ’s borders after World War I. In the eyes of many of them, there was little difference in Jews being ejected from Germany and Hungarians being ejected from Romania . A degree of appeasement was fundamental pretty well throughout British life. Only the Incorporated Society of Musicians and Sir George Dyson sensed the impending tidal wave of fleeing Jewish musicians coming to England for refuge – but Dyson’s view was that British teaching and orchestral jobs would be lost; others aware of the steady influx from Germany and Austria were more worried about ‘dreadful continental atonality’ soon being heard in British concert halls. The British musical press had long attacked Reger, Hindemith, Weill, Bruckner, Pfitzner and, of course, Schönberg and Berg and they didn’t want any of them being performed in British venues.
There were exceptions: the letters pages of the newspapers were full of debates as to whether these people were a threat or a blessing. Sir John Christie, owner of Glyndebourne, immediately took advantage of the situation by engaging as director of his private opera Carl Ebert, recently departed for political reasons from Berlin ’s Charlottenburg Opera, and the Viennese administrator and manager Rudolf Bing; musical gravitas was provided by Fritz Busch, formerly the conductor of The Semper Opera in Dresden . The sheer professionalism of this team, along with many émigré rehearsal coaches and musical staff, lifted what seemed destined to become a dotty aristocratic, amateurish folly to such standards that still today keep it one of the great opera festivals of Europe .
Another person who changed the perception of immigrant musicians was the pianist Myra Hess. ‘Black out’ orders in the evenings meant no theatre performances or concerts. But since all works of art had been removed from the National Gallery for safety, it meant she could organise daily lunchtime concerts in the empty central hall. In spite of intensive lobbying by Sir George Dyson’s Incorporated Society of Musicians, which had succeeded in making it illegal for any German or Austrian refugee of an age capable of serving in the military to work as a musician, she mounted numerous concerts featuring ‘enemy aliens’, including the newly formed Amadeus Quartet. Hess was remarkable not only for the enormous energy she showed in running the concerts, but also as a frequent performer herself. In addition, she became a tireless writer of letters to Whitehall in attempts to get people out of internment, or even to find work for elderly musicians as neighbourhood piano teachers.
The events taking place in the various refugee organisations, the only places where ‘enemy aliens’ could legally perform, had become popular with locals as well. The Wigmore Hall became a frequent venue for concerts put on by the newly formed Anglo-Austrian Music Society with Berthold Goldschmidt and Peter Stadlen playing Hans Gál’s arrangements of Mahler symphonies for two pianos. Indeed, it was generally felt that these concerts had been instrumental in London ’s post-War Mahler enthusiasm.
By this time, the recognition of musical talent which had landed on British shores was obvious to even the most dim-witted. In a letter to Ferdinand Rauter, Ralph Vaughan Williams placed his new reservations in a different perspective. According to him, the ‘fragile flower of English music’ was now in danger of being trampled by arrogant Austrians who had the great fortune of growing up in the most solid of musical traditions. Too much talent was going to poison the young shoots finally emerging after England ’s long years of being ‘ das Land ohne Musik’. What Vaughan Williams had not counted on was that the most important of these young shoots, Benjamin Britten would be first in the queue to be associated with the newcomers. He and Peter Pears became founding members of the Anglo-Austrian Music Society (which Vaughan Williams would also eventually join, along with Sir Adrian Boult and Myra Hess) and frequent performers. His mentor and musical father-figure at Boosey & Hawkes was, as I have mentioned, the Schoenberg pupil Erwin Stein.
The Second World War, as with the First, brought about an embargo on all works published in Germany (which, embarrassingly, included several by Edward Elgar). The BBC remained the one great hope of employment of most musical immigrants. In general, it remained aloof and tended to issue rejections along the lines that their openings available to foreign workers had been exceeded and people from many different countries had to be given equal opportunities. Berthold Goldschmidt came to the UK because the BBC had broadcast Wozzeck, an opera on which he had assisted Erich Kleiber at the world premiere in Berlin . Ultimately, he would join the BBC in a propaganda role at the BBC, ‘broadcasting to Germany all of the composers they could not hear at home’, as he later explained.
Similar concerts of banned composers were featured at the musical events of the diverse refugee organisations. Hans Gál organised and performed in one for the Deutscher Kulturbund in Edinburgh and another at the Wigmore for the Anglo-Austrian Music society. However, in general, musical programmes at these organisations were extremely traditional with little emphasis placed on contemporary German and Austrian music.
After the War
By the end of the war, most immigrants had nothing to return to. Families had been murdered, cities destroyed and opportunities of performing were negligible. In addition, several had managed to become British citizens and were not allowed in Germany in the immediate post-War period without special permission and visas. Many who had been active in British refugee organisations returned to East Germany , such as Ernst Herrmann Mayer and Georg Knepler. Several found themselves being forced back to Germany and Austria due to the policies of Sir Herbert Morrison who maintained the ideal of all refugees being sent back regardless. This even included people who had arrived as young teenagers with the Kindertransport and were now completing British university degrees. It was not until 1948 that this policy was eventually phased out.
Meanwhile, former refugees started making their presence felt in post war British musical life. Far from trampling the delicate flower of English music, as Vaughan Williams had feared, the musical émigrés were positively enriching it with a level of scholarship and professional expertise never experienced. Where Edward Dent and Donald Tovey had been Britain ’s principle musicologists, Egon Wellesz, Hans Ferdinand Redlich, Otto Erich Deutsch, Hans Keller and Hans Gál brought a degree of scholarship unknown in the UK while teachers such as Carl Flesch, Max Rostal and Paul Hamburger raised technical standards. But the major difference came from the army of unknown coaches, teachers, musical assistants, collectors of manuscripts, books and journals, choral conductors, publishers, orchestra trainers and general administrators. Together, all these people changed the face of British music more than any single person. The only ones who seemed not to be able to recapture their former significance were the composers.
Exile Composers in Britain
The removal of Germany ’s Jewish composers uprooted a development, which for various social/political and economic reasons, would in fact represent the most seamless transition from music of the past, to music of the present. As Amos Elon writes in The Pity of It All, his history of Jews in Germany , 3 recent emancipation, (only to come in 1871, a mere 62 years before Hitler) had created a tidal wave of Jewish assimilation. This process meant that radical artistic movements would rarely appeal to Jewish composers. In the 1930s Ernst Křenek commented to Josef Lechthaler, the Director of Music for the Catholic Church in Vienna , that the only atonal Jewish composer he could think of was Schönberg; all of the others were good Catholics. The obvious question, now only rhetorical, is what would have happened had these progressives, who proceeded organically from the past to the present via the social process of assimilation, been allowed to stay in their homeland. What would music after 1945 have sounded like, and wouldn’t Schoenberg, and more crucially, Webern have become more minor figures than the post-War music-world made them?
Nowhere is the disparity of talent v. input into British musical life more obvious than in an examination of the composers who came to the UK .
Both George Szell and Ernst Toch wrote to Hans Gál, recently arrived from Austria , that the most important thing to remember in getting settled in England was to stay patient. They could afford to give advice; both had already left the UK for America . Krenek upon arriving in Britain wrote that it was the ‘strangest place’ he had ever been: ‘They have managed to remove every possible vestige of Gemütlichkeit’, or feeling of warmth and friendship that every Austrian feels when drinking and eating with other friends. He, too, left at the first opportunity. The disastrous – indeed, poisonous – press reception of Kurt Weill’s operetta A Kingdom for a Cow at the Savoy Theatre drove him out of Britain more forcefully than the Nazis had from Germany. Never had he experienced such hostility, he recalled. To modernists, Britain seemed stuck with its lightweight pastoral music traditions. Experimentation was hated by the musical establishment, not understood by the general public and lacerated by the press. Only Berthold Goldschmidt kept a naïve faith that Britain was still the best place for a young progressive to come.
Yet the fact remains that a large number of important German and Austrian composers, arriving with astonishing pedigrees, would find only minimal acceptance in Britain . Hans Gál’s opera Die heilige Ente was in the repertoire of fourteen opera houses in Germany when Hitler seized power. His newest opera was being given a double premiere in Hamburg and in Dresden , with Fritz Busch. His orchestral works were being conducted by Wilhelm Furtwängler, George Szell, Bruno Walter and Fritz Reiner. After the War, he experienced a small revival of interest in Britain as his student Rudolf Schwarz conducted his works in Bournemouth and the BBC. Upon Schwarz’s departure, Gál found himself without a strong British interpreter and, though he continued to compose, he refocused on writing. His books on Schubert, Verdi, Brahms and Wagner are still seen as the perfect companions for scholars and amateurs alike.
Egon Wellesz had also arrived with a glittering curriculum vitae. Hardly a new music festival took place that did not feature his works. Together with Edward Dent, he formed the backbone of the International Society of New Music. His opera DieBakchantinnenwas conducted by Clemens Kraus at the Staatsoper in Vienna and he had managed to flee to the UK upon the occasion of his symphonic poem ProsperosBeschwörungen being conducted by Bruno Walter at the Concertgebouw in Amsterdam . During most of the War he stopped composing, taking it up again in 1943 with a quartet ‘in memoriam to lost friends’. Of all the composers who would write ‘exile’ works, Wellesz must surely be the most important. His nine symphonies are monuments to an artist and his relationships with his new and former homelands. His Third Symphony was commissioned by Sir Adrian Boult and the BBC Symphony – only for it to be rejected by the mysterious men in suits who made so many questionable decisions during these years. Its recent British premiere showed it to be a remarkable work, much influenced by Bruckner and Mahler while staying compact and terse. The slow movement, as with all of Wellesz’s symphonic slow movements from this period, is deeply expressive and aching with homesickness. With the non-performance of the Third, he called his Fourth Symphony Austriaca. His Second had, in an act of spontaneous gratitude, been called TheEnglish.
Berthold Goldschmidt, too, had achieved a notable success in 1932, though he was only 29 years old. His opera Der gewaltige Hahnrei had been given a sensational premiere in Mannheim , with Carl Ebert agreeing to take it to the Städtische Oper in Berlin the following season. H. H. Stuckenschmidt, the leading critic of the day, called him ‘The great hope of German Music’. After the War, his opera Beatrice Cenci was chosen as prize winner in the Arts Council competition for a new English opera for the Festival of Britain in 1951. For reasons never firmly established, it was not given the expected performance. This disappointment would silence him for the next 25 years.
Another winner of the competition was the Austrian Karl Rankl, who composed an opera called Deirdre of the Sorrows. With the decision not to perform the prize-winning operas, he placed an embargo on his compositions being performed in Britain . Rankl was the first music director of the Royal Opera at Covent Garden after the War. The official reasons given to Goldschmidt and Rankl were that Goldschmidt’s BBC association compromised him, as had Rankl’s association with the Royal Opera House. Both composers were bitter about the experience and felt that the excuses offered were simply alibis to cover the embarrassment of refugee composers writing prize-winning ‘British’ operas. To the British public, Goldschmidt made his mark by finishing Deryck Cooke’s completion of Mahler’s Tenth Symphony. Unknown to most was his closeness to Simon Rattle, who studied with him.
To a lesser degree, these stories were repeated almost 70 times. Hardly a composer of stature who chose to stay in Britain could continue to make his living as such. The one exception was Mátyás Seiber. Unlike Gál, Wellesz, Rankl and Goldschmidt, he did not arrive with an already established reputation as a composer. His music was eclectic and ranged from deeply intellectual atonality, worthy of the best of the young Darmstadt composers (hence Sir William Glock’s attraction to him, and frequent BBC performances) to sound tracks for films and even music for pop songs and cabaret.
It would take another generation of composers for Britain to register and adapt to the new musical voices: Alexander Goehr or Joseph Horovitz whose youth in Britain had somehow washed them of their Continental pasts. Others went into light music; others still composed for the desk drawer. None of the original émigrés would make a major career as composer again.
German and Austrian scholars have been researching the field of British musical exile for a decade. Jutta Raab Hansen has written a remarkable book on the subject which forms the basis of much of this essay. 4 It is nearly 600 pages long and holds countless biographies and indices. It is a masterpiece of scholarship, yet it is only available in German. No British scholar not equipped with German can inquire in detail of the huge impact these many immigrants would have. Their sheer number and talent, though not recognised as composers, would provide the sort of fertiliser the ‘tender flower of English music’ desperately needed.
If countries can be compared to families, then one must imagine a family which takes up a foundling who grows up to be a great musician. The family reacts with embarrassment rather than delight. They have their own tastes in music and don’t want further intrusions. They accept the contributions made to the household without acknowledgment and go their own way. Over the years, the child grows up, has a successful career and becomes a major influence on local musicians. After a full lifetime, he dies. His foster brothers and sisters remain unbothered by, in fact, unaware of his significance. His natural family come calling, scandalised that they should have abandoned such talent; the adoptive family continues to remain ignorant of who or what they had taken in. Indeed, after his death, they had taken his things to Oxfam, or sold a few items of value. They admit that the adoptive child always felt warm and grateful to his foster family, but puzzled, sometimes angered by their indifference to his natural talents. The natural family members reclaim what remains of the legacy while the foster family continue wondering what the fuss was about. It sounds cruel, but in fact, it is an almost perfect representation in miniature of the attitude of Britain to its musical immigrants.
‘Continental Britons’: A List of UK Exile Composers
The following list is extracted from the appendix of Jutta Raab-Hansen’s book. Composers with an * were active as composers in the UK .
( = ) means that they were only passing through UK before emigrating elsewhere or in many cases, deportation. More significant composers whose works are easily documented are in bold. Those in italics should be further investigated.
( = ) Adorno, Theodor
Bardi, Benno *: works: Dramatic Legend on the Song of Songs; Hymn to Love; Hymn to Life; EgyptianSuite for small orchestra; SentimentalDialogues, Passacaglia, three sinfoniettas, etc.
Buxbaum, Friedrich (composer of a violin concerto in Vienna , 1938)
Cohen, Fritz * composer of TheGreenTable for the Joos Ballett. (companion work to Goldschmidt’s Chronica)
( = ) Eisler, Hanns*, film music, stage music, songs etc.
Gal , Hans*: one of the most important UK exile composers
Gellhorn Peter *: composer of cantatas, Lied and piano works
( = ) Gilbert, Jean: popular music composer who went on to Argentina
Goehr, Alexander*: son of one of the important exile figures and also noted composer
Goehr , Walter* one of the most important UK exile figures
Goldschmidt , Berthold*: one of the most important figures in UK exile
( = ) Goodman, Alfred*: composer for Deutscher Kulturbund while in the UK
Grosz , Wilhelm* tragic figure who composed many popular songs and died shortly after emigration to USA
Grün , Bernard* popular music composer with Richard Tauber: OldChelsea
Haas, Karl* composer of theatre music. Music director at Old Vic, Bristol
( = ) Heinlein, Frederico: further emigration to Chile
( = ) Hirsch, Hugo: composer of popular music in Germany . Short UK exile
Horowitz, Joseph*: one of the few to enjoy UK success. Best known work:
( = ) Katz, Erich* chamber works performed by Committee for promotion of new music, before emigrating to USA
( = )Kauder, Hugo emigration to USA
Kentner, Louis * active in National Gallery concerts as pianist. No information on quality or quantity of own compositions.
( = ) Korn, Peter Jona*: Studied in UK with Rubbra before emigrating to Palestine andthen USA and returning to Germany in early 60s
Kowalski , Max*: important composer of the Juddischer Kulturbund. Buchenwald and emigration to UK in 1939
Lesser, Wolfgang: returned to Germany after War to study with Wagner-Regeny and Hans Eisler
( = ) Lopatnikoff, Nikolai * performer and composer of works in National Gallery concerts and Boosey and Hawkes concerts before emigrating to USA
May, Hans * UK film composer: TheStarsLookDown; operetta Carissima quite successful
( = ) Meyer , Ernst Hermann* one of the major figures in UK Exile who would return to run music policy in Communist East Germany
Müller, Herbert*: composer of cabaret at internment camp Huyton : Huytoner Fricassée
Müller-Hartmann , Robert*: possibly important UK composer and friend of Ralph Vaughan Williams. Extensive worklist; music performed by Schnabel, Richard Strauss, Karl Muck and Fritz Busch
Osborn, Franz : noted as performer though was also Schreker student and winner of 1926 Mendelssohn composition prize
Passer, Kurt*: composer of In den Sternen steht geschrieben for the FDKB in 1942
Rankl , Karl-Franz* One of the important UK figures
( = ) Rathaus , Karol* further emigration to USA , but not before writing a number of important UK works: Ballet LeLionamoureux(lost) and film scores
Rauter, Ferdinand*: arranger of folksong and frequent performer with FDKB and Austrian Centre
Rawicz, Maryan*: pianist in Internment camp Hutchinson for cabaret Stacheldrahtkabarett
( = ) Rebner, Wolfgang: noted pianist and accompanist rather than composer. Emigration in 1939 to USA
Reizenstein , Franz*: important UK Exile figure
Rosé, Alfred: Viennese composer and pianist. Activities in UK not documented
Salomon, Willy: Buchenwald before escape to UK . No documentation of UK compositions
( = ) Sandberg, Mordechai*: Microtone specialist and composer, short UK exile before emigration to USA
Sandberg-Kohlmey, Gerda*: activist political composer in German Agitprop scene and member of FDKB
( = ) Scherchen, Hermann: conductor, not listed as composer, though there are some early works (piano trio, string quartet)
( = ) Schlesinger, Lotte: studied with Schreker, Hindemith. Short UK exile before USA
Seiber , Matyas*: One of major UK figures
Spinner, Leopold *: active in UK ISCM as mostly twelve-tone composer, Worked at Boosey as copyist then as piano-score reductions of many Stravinsky works
Spoliansky , Mischa*: one of major UK composers of film and light music
Stadlin, Peter*: pianist, but composer?? No information
Stein, Egon*: pianist at FDKB; composer of chorus song Mit Hitler geht der Tod
( = ) Szell, Georg: conductor, but also composer. No UK compositions
Tauber , Richard* With Bernard Grün, composer of Old Chelsea
( = ) Tintner, Georg *; rejected UK entry and was deported to New Zealand . Conductor and composer
( = ) Toch, Ernst *: important composer who went on to USA ; film scores incl. Catherine the Great
Ury, Peter *: prolific composer of all genres: opera Timothy; 3 Songs for Shoshanah etc.
( = ) Walter, Arnold: Schreker and Weigl pupil. Further emigration to Canada
( = ) Weill , Kurt* important composer whose operetta Kingdom for a Cow was a notorious flop at the Savoy possibly prompting further emigration to USA
Weiss, Erwin*: Austrian composer of Wir Bahnen den Weg for baritone and chorus in 1943 propaganda song for ‘Young Austrian Choir’
Wellesz , Egon* many would argue that Wellesz is the single most important composer in UK Exile
( = ) Werder, Felix : deportation to Australia where he established himself as a major figure and important composer
Willner, Arthur*: composer of over 94 works composed in UK exile none of which were performed
Wolff, Max* composer of operas and songs according to Raab-Hansen until 1938. Nothing afterwards
Wurmser, Leo Russell *: Schmidt pupil in Vienna : Clarinet Quintet in 1940 at Morley College London; internment at Heath Camp, Isle of Mann
Wurzburger, Paul *: studied with Seiber. Composer of beautiful chamber work: Exile. Died in 1980s. Not listed in Raab-Hansen
Zmigrod, Josef *: important film-composer under name of Allen Gray. In Germany , prominent cabaret composer. Films included collaborations with Billy Wilder and John Huston. Also interned on Isle of Man
This article was originally written for Brio, the journal of the International Association of Music Libraries, Archives and Documentation Centres. Michael Haas would be pleased to hear from any music library or archive that would like to work with the International Centre for Suppressed Music to collect, collate and preserve these precious archives and make them accessible to future generations. You can contact him at m.haas [at] jmi.org.uk or 07768 465 923
2. Peter Lang, Pieterlen ( Switzerland ); details from the Hans Gál website, www.hansgal.com. A review is in preparation for a later edition of this journal.
3. The Pity of It All: A Portrait of Jews In Germany , 1743–1933 , Penguin, Harmondsworth, 2004; reviewed online at http://site.www.umb.edu/faculty/salzman_g/Strate/Discus/ and http://www.berlin-judentum.de/englisch/elon.htm.
4. NS-verfolgter Musiker in England, von Bockel Verlag, Hamburg, 1996.